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(1509 - 1579) |
a brief biography of a Tibetan physician by Barbara Gerke and Natalia Bolsokhoeva
Lodo Gyalpo was born in Tibet at a time of political instabiliy. Numerous historical works recall the religious conflicts between the Gelugpa and Kagyupa schools of Tibetan Buddhism during the 16th century. The country was split into small principalities headed by local rulers. The political situation also influenced the development of Tibetan medical science in the context of the two main medical schools of Jang and Zur.
The Tibetan medical tradition
developed in the ambience of such internal political conflicts until the
17th century, when, through the establishment of a powerful feudal-theocratic
state by the Vth Dalai Lama, Tibet was united. Subsequently, for
the first time, the two medical schools were also unified by Sangye Gyatso
(Tib. sangs rgyas rgya mtso; 1653-1705), minister of the Vth Dalai
Lama.
The Yuthog Nyingtig lineage
reaches back to Yuthog Yonten the Younger (Tib. gyu thog yon tan gsar
ma; 1112-1203), the famous physician and realised being of the 12th
century.(2) For many generations, this spiritual practice was accepted
as an integral part of the medical science in Tibet, before the medical
tradition experienced partition in the 15th century, but has survived till
date. The Yuthog Nyingtig is divided into two parts, the chos skor (lit.
‘about Dharma’) and the gdams skor (lit. ‘about advice’). The first
part consists of eight chapters describing different initiations (Tib.
dbang,
in Sanskrit known as abhijna). The second part has nine chapters,
basically instructions for rituals: sadhana, abhisamaya, bali-vidhi,
puja-vidhi, stotra etc.(3) According to the 17th century Mongolian
historian, Jaya Pandita (born 1642), the authorship is not only given to
Yuthogpa but also to his student Yeshezung (Tib. ye shes gzungs),
and the sixth chapter is said to have been authored by Zurkha Nyamnyi Dorjee
(1439-1475).(4) Lodo Gyalpo received the lineage of the Yuthog Nyingtig
in the fifth generation after Nyamnyi Dorjee. (see
table I)
| 1. zur mkhar chos je (= mnyam nyis rdo
rje, born 1439)
2. gnam gong bkra shis dbang phyug 3. rje btzun sangs rgyas zhabs 4. rje chos dbang rin chen 5. rje blo gros rgyal po (= Zurkhar Lodo Gyalpo; 1509-1579) 6. rigs ‘dzin chen po (= nag gi dbang po) 7. zur khyab bdag chos dbyin rang grol 8. rgyal dbang thams cad mkhyen pa chen po (= Vth Dalai Lama, born 1617) 9. slob dpon rin po che sman rams pa blo bzang chos grags 10. blo bzang phrin las (=Jaya Pandita, born 1642) |
Lodo Gyalpo received oral transmissions (Tib. lung) from monastic authorities, such as the Jangpa brother(s) (Tib. byang pa sku mched), Pontsang Pendarba (Tib. dpon tsang ‘phan dar ba), Chagmen Ringyal Ponpo (Tib. phag sman rin rgyal dpon po) from Ngari in Western Tibet and Jangtag Tsetso Chenam (Tib. byang stag rtze ‘tso byed rnams). Other renowned teachers who transmitted their medical knowledge to him are Apa Tsering from Guge ( Tib. gu ge ba ‘a pa tse ring), Bije’i Ponpo (Tib. bi byi’i dpon po) and Ugpa’i Tsabo (Tib. ‘ug pa’i tsa bo) (SG, 350).
Apart from the philosophical
faculty of Leksheling monastery, Lodo Gyalpo received much of his education
in the medical city of Sakya (Tib. sa skya sman grong). The Sakya
monastery, south of Gyangtse, was known for its theoretical and practical
educational training programme in Tibetan medicine. It is not mentioned
when and for how long Lodo Gyalpo stayed there. While in Sakya, however,
he received the oral transmission from the Zhalngo (Tib. zhal ngo)
family, a father and son partnership, of Dangti (Tib. brang ti).(5)
From them he received the oral transmission for a number of medical treatises.
(see table II)
(2) ‘The Ray of the Moon’ (Tib. zla zer) (3) ‘The Eighteen Implementations’ (Tib. cha lag bco brgyad) (4) ‘The Measure of Gold’ (Tib. gser bre (5) ‘The Measure of Silver’ (Tib. dngul bre). |
An interesting quote from the ‘The Blue Turquoise Dragoness’ (Tib. gyu ‘brug sngon mo) reveals another glimpse on the personality of Lodo Gyalpo: ‘It is like that on the mode of healing: Lodo Gyalpo was following the footsteps of the previous Zurlug [might refer to the famous Zur lineage founder Nyamnyi Dorjee (Tib. mnyam nyi rdo rje)]. But he even did not have a satisfactory life force (Tib. skyem pa tse dbang)’. (JT, 220)
This short critical note
is very interesting. Although an excellent physician and scholar, his personal
physique and life force must not have been very strong, which for a person
with so much medical knowledge, seems strange and inappropriate.
There, in 1542, which was an earth tiger year according to the Tibetan calendar, he found a hand written manuscript by Yuthog the Younger, known as ‘The hand written four Tantras’ (Tib. rgyud bzhi phyag dreg ma).(6) At that time, Lodo Gyalpo was 33 years old. His journey was sponsored by Sacho Wangyal Dragpa (Tib. sa spyod dbang rgyal grags pa). Unfortunately, in the available literature, there is no account on how exactly Lodo Gyalpo discovered the manuscript.
Four years later, in 1546, he discovered the wooden carved blocks of the Gyushi at the Grathang monastery (Tib. gra thang dgon pa) (JT, 229) of Dzong (Tib. rdzong, lit. fortress) in Lokatra (Tib. lho kha gra; tribal area at the border of Eastern Tibet and Assam).(7)
Yuthog the Younger had re-composed
and systematised the Gyushi according to the conditions found in Tibet
in the 12th century. All further editions of the Gyushi were based on this
version of Yuthog. The interpolations which were infused into Yuthog’s
original version of the Gyushi between the 12th to 15th century, are a
good example of what happened to many of the medical treatises in Tibet.
Because of hand written copies, scribes could easily change, delete or
add paragraphs to original writings. Although the technique of wood-block
printing was introduced to Tibet from China in the 15th century, it was
an expensive process, and so hand written copies persisted.
Between 1566 and 1572, for six years, Lodo Gyalpo worked on a new redaction of ‘The Four Tantras of the Grathang [version]’, also known as Grathang Gyushi (Tib. gra thang rgyud bzhi) (PY, 114). For this project he was sponsored by Yargyabpa (Tib. yar rgyab pa), a high Tibetan official (Tib. sde pa). For reasons unknown to us, the Grathang Gyushi was published only 65 years after Lodo Gyalpo’s death, in 1640 (PY, 297).
One of the holders of the Janglug (Tib. byang lugs ‘dzin pa rnams kyi), Wangpo Lhunding Dutzi Gyurme (Tib. dbang po lhun ldings bdud rtzi ‘gyur med) systematised and thoroughly edited the Grathang Gyushi (JT, 269; PY, 297-298). He was the father of Lhunding Namgyal Dorjee (Tib. lhun ldings rnam rgyal rdo rje), who later became one of the medical teachers of Sangye Gyatso.
This edition of the Gyushi was named Tagten Gyushi after the monastery where it was published, Tagten Ganden Puntsoling (Tib. rtag brtan dga’ ldan phun tsogs gling) (PY, 297-298). The publication was initiated by a follower of the medical school of Jang, Nangso Dargye (Tib. byan ngos nang so dar rgyas), who was the son of one of the personal physicians of the Vth Dalai Lama.(9) The text was again published in a virtuous way, without any interpolations under the careful supervision of Kyong Thinle Gyatso (Tib. skyong phrin las rgya mtso) at Ganden Phodrang (Tib. dga’ ldan pho brang)(10) in Lhasa (PY, 297-298) in the water male tiger year of 1662. This Tagten edition is considered to be the most authoritative edition of the Gyushi since it is based on the Grathang edition. (PY, 298)
Here, Lodo Gyalpo reveals a very sensible and diplomatic part of his personality. Although he regards debate as one of the necessary actions of a scholar, he seemed to have kept a diplomatic policy in his talks, showing his great respect for other scholars. In his writings, however, he became well known for his critical approach.
In his later life (the year is not mentioned), Lodo Gyalpo went to Lhasa, in the province ‘Ü’ (Tib. dbus), in Central Tibet. In Lhasa, in front of the main temple, the Jokhang (Tib. jo khang), a stone pillar had been placed in the time of King Songtsen Gampo (Tib. srong btsan sgam po; 619-650). In the ninth century, after the Sino-Tibetan war, peace agreements about the respected Sino-Tibetan borders were inscribed on this stone pillar, in Chinese and Tibetan characters.(12) Apart from this one very historical pillar, there were other pillars within the city of Lhasa, which were used for inscriptions of public matters.
It is said, that on three separate occasions, Lodo Gyalpo pasted letters with questions concerning the origins of three basic literary forms of arrangement, known as ‘the basis’ (Tib. gzhi), ‘the path’ (Tib. lam) and ‘the result’ (Tib. ‘bras) on one of the stone pillars in Lhasa (JT, 219). It was customary in Tibet to question one’s teacher, expecting the correct answer instantly, as this was the nature of the monastic debate. Also Lodo Gyalpo felt a need to provoke and question his students and other physicians and was known to have a ‘fearless lion’s roar’ (Tib. mi ‘jigs pa’i senge’i sgra). Although from this brave action, his good reputation (Tib. gtam snyan, lit. ‘pleasant conversation’) might have finally spread, no immediate answer came. Among his own students, Nangso Donyopa (Tib. nang so don yod pa) and others did not even understand the questions and requested him to compile a useful commentary. Thus he compiled “Own Commentary, a Golden Trimming”(Tib. rang’ grel gser gyi phra tsoms), but it is said that most of his contemporaries did not understand it (SG, 350-351).
In response to Lodo Gyalpo’s public medical questions, lineage holders of the medical science (Tib. gso rig ‘dzin pa), such as Dolda Nyang Kangpa (Tib. dol mda’ nyang khang pa), Chongyu Rol Kongpa (Tib. ‘phyongs rgyus rol khong pa), and a high Tibetan official from Lhasa (Tib. sde ba lha sa rdzong ba) (SG, 351), the Jangdag Tashi Tobgyal (Tib. byang bdag bkra shis stobs rgyal) and others, offered some answers.
But Lodo Gyalpo was not satisfied, and again compiled a treatise called ‘My own answers, the will of the wise, like a flash of lightning of a dark night’ (Tib. rang lan rgan po’i kha chems mtsan mo mun ngag gi glog ‘od lta bu). Largely based on his own investigations, Lodo Gyalpo completed this commentary and finally published it at his own expense. Unfortunately, the sponsor (Tib. sbyin bdag), Rinpung Sacho Ngawang Jigten Dagpa (Tib. rin spungs sa spyod ngag dbang ‘jig rten grags pa)(13) had promised to finance the publication, but could not carry out his intention. Lodo Gyalpo framed his response to this incident in poetic form.(14)
At any rate, such public discussions went on throughout the centuries. In the 17th century, during the reign of Sangye Gyatso, the physician Namgyal Dorjee who followed the Janglug (Tib. byang lugs kyi sman pa rnam rgyal rdo rje), placed a refutation on a stone pillar in Lhasa concerning the materia medica of Lodo Gyalpo’s Mepoi Shellung.(15) In this way, some of the public medical discussions found there expression in Tibet. The dialogue also enhanced the compilation of various commentaries on the difficult medical root texts.
The most recent reply to
Lodo Gyalpo’s arrangement of ‘the basis’ (gzhi), ‘the path’ (lam)
and ‘the result’ (‘bras) was written recently, in 1986, by the Tibetan
scholar Mipam Geleg Namgyal (Tib. mi pham dge legs rnam rgyal) in
his book “New Appearance of Elegant Sayings - Answers on the Investigation
of the Arrangement of the Basis, the Path and the Result in the Science
of Healing” (Tib. gso rig gzhi lam ‘bras bu’i rnam bzhag la dpyad pa’i
dri lan legs bshad rin po che’i snang ba gsar pa).(16)
Mepoi Shellung (Tib. mes po’i zhal lung)
He spent four years compiling
the famous medical treatise “Commentary on the Four Tantras - The Oral
Instruction of the Ancestors” (Tib. rgyud kyi grel pa mes po’i zhal
lung).(17)
Among all his publications on Tibetan medicine,
this has been the most famous one, and it is still of major importance
to Tibetan medical students today. In this commentary, Lodo Gyalpo “integrated
all previous views of his ancestors, refuted their mistakes with his scientific
instructions (Tib. lung rig) and re-captured the correct views of
the Indian original texts”.(18)
Lodo Gyalpo’s Mepoi Shellung reflects that medical scholars at that time did not specialise in one medical subject. They were unique physicians who treated all diseases which were described in the third volume of the Gyushi, knew about the raw materials as well as how to prepare their medicines.
The content of Mepoi Shellung is not structured following the chapters of the Gyushi. Lodo Gyalpo presents the subjects with great detail and precision, in the typical Tibetan style of commentaries.(19) Recent reprints, however, have re-structured the contents following the chapters of the Gyushi, perhaps for the convenience of medical students who use this commentary to better understand the Gyushi.(20)
Lodo Gyalpo only completed the commentary on the first two volumes and the first two chapters of the Last Tantra of the Gyushi.(21) But the outline and references to unfinished parts show that he had planned to write this commentary on all four volumes.(22) Darmo Menrampa Lobsang Choedrag (Tib. dar mo sman ram pa blo bzangs chos grags), later wrote a commentary on the other chapters of the Last Tantra (Tib. phyi ma’i rgyud) in continuation of Lodo Gyalpo’s unfinished work.(23)
Lodo Gyalpo not only included medical knowledge from his own tradition, but often quoted from the schools, Janglug and Drangti. He used a number of Tibetan medical sources dating back to Sakya Pandita (Tib. sa skya pandita; 1182-1251) and even Indian sources, such as Nagarjuna.(24) He took great care in incorporating old original sources in his redaction, to avoid repetition of erroneous interpolations which had been creeping into the medical science during the past three hundred years. Lodo Gyalpo quotes from these older sources, but also polemizes them sharply.(25)
It was the last and most famous medical work which appeared in the school of Zurlug. About a hundred and fifty years later, Sangye Gyatso praised and referred to Lodo Gyalpo’s treatise in his Blue Lapis Lazuli (Tib. Vaidurya sngon po) Commentary (written 1687-88).
| 1. gra thang rgyud bzhi
2. mes po’i shel lung (including the commentray on: rtza rgyud, bshad rgyud and the first chapters of phyi ma’i rgyud) 3. rang ‘grel gser gyi phra tsom 4. rang lan rgan po’i kha chems mtsan mo mun nag gi glog ‘od lta bu 5. mnyam nyid rdo rje’i rnam thar ‘gog pa med pa yi ge’i gtam chen po 6. rnam thar gsol ‘debs dad pa’i rol mtso gsar pa 7. drang srong rnam gnyis la thugs rje bskul ba mya ngan gdung sel 8. bye ba ring srel gyi dkar chag mkhas pa’i yid ‘phrog 9. de’i lhan thabs dad ldan snyim pa’i me tog 10. byang pa’i bka’sgrub kyi lan dkar po chig thub bam dbang po’i lag nyal 11. rgyud bzhi bka’ dang bstan bcos rnam par dbye ma mun sel sgron me 12. sman gyi zhu rjes kyi re’u mig 13. gong sman dkon mchog phan dar la “dri ba tzu ta’i khri shing” 14. dri ba blo gsal ‘jug ngos 15. dri lan legs bshad skyugs pa 16. zla thigs nyin ‘byed ‘od mtso 17. dbyar skyes rnga sangs 18. ga bur (gur gum a gar tzandan sogs kyi) skyon sel sogs thor bu (26) 19. rgyud bzhi par bkod ‘jug rtzom gyi skyon sel 20. chu skol gyi rnam bshad 21. ‘phan yul gyi sman rlung ‘khams langs pa’i dris lan dbyar nyi’i zhun thigs 22. ma nu’i dris lan 23. shes bya spyi’i khog ‘bugs drang srong kun tu dag ba’i zlos gar gtan pa med pa’i mchod spyin gyi sgo ‘phar yangs por phye ba etc. “ and many more titles” (SG, 353; JT, 220) which are not mentioned. |
Even today, much could be revealed to today’s students and scholars of Tibetan medicine through further research into, and translation of his main treatise Mepoi Shellung. An English translation of the Mepoi Shellung, for example, would offer a clear picture of Tibetan medical studies during the 16th century as well as their development and influence on all subsequent medical literature.
To conclude his brief biography with his own words, in which he expressed his humility and respect for the vast teaching and excellent scholars of his time: “The wise among the wise is beautiful, how can the fool understand the wise?” (JT, 220)
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Vijnana Niwas, Madhuban Kalimpong 734 301 WB India phone: (91)3552-283506 fax: (91)3552-255982 e-mail: Contact Us |
German, first came to India in 1988. She went to Dharamsala and studied the Tibetan language and Tibetan medicine, first with Dr. Barry Clark, later with Dr. Lama Trogawa Rinpoche at the Chakpori Medical Institute in Darjeeling. Furthermore, she pursued her Tibetan studies at Visva Bharati and North Bengal University, from where she obtained a diploma and degree in Tibetan Language and Literature. Since 1995, she has been mainly living in Kalimpong where she founded the International Trust for Traditional Medicine (ITTM). Presently she is co-ordinating ITTM research projects and pursuing her own research on Tibetan medical literature. She is editor of AyurVijnana. |
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Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 6, Sakhyanovoi Street Ulan-Ude, Buryatia, Russia phone: (res.) 007 (3012) 33 43 53 e-mail: ofp at bsc.buryatia.ru |
born in Ulan-Ude, graduated form Leningrad (now St. Petersburg) University in 1967. Specialised in Tibetan medieval literature (Ph.D.), she has been a researcher at the Institute of Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies (former Institute of Social Sciences) of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Ulan-Ude. Since 1982, she has been researching Tibetan culture in Nepal with special reference to Tibetan medicine. She authored several books, among them “Introduction to the Studies of Tibetan Medical Sources” (Kathmandu, 1993) and “Tibetan Medicine in Nepal” (St. Petersburg, 1994). She has more than 90 articles to her credit and co-authored the Russian version of “Atlas of Tibetan Medicine” (Moscow, 1994) and “The Buddha’s Art of Healing” (Rizzoli, New York, 1998). |